- Pacific
In an NBC "Dateline" interview taped before but aired after the Senate impeachment vote, Broaddrick says that in 1978 then-Arkansas attorney general Bill Clinton raped her. Why didn't she go to the hospital? Well, recall the bad old days when defense attorneys put the accuser's virtue on trial. For a refresher, rent "The Accused" with Jodie Foster. And here, the accused is the attorney general of a state.
"Bimbo Eruptions." That's what Republication strategist Mary Matalin, during the 1992 presidential campaign, called allegations of extramarital affairs against candidate Bill Clinton. But, unfortunately for the president, Juanita Broaddrick is nobody's bimbo.
In an NBC "Dateline" interview taped before but aired after the Senate impeachment vote, Broaddrick says that in 1978 then-Arkansas attorney general Bill Clinton raped her.
Many skeptics ask, "Why now?" Why does Broaddrick come forward after 21 years and accuse the president of a horrific crime? Wrong question. Given the president's and his allies' assault on the integrity of other accusers, the question in Broaddrick's case should be: "Why ever?"
Paula Jones, who alleged sexual assault, became instant fodder for late-night talk-show hosts, comedians and Clinton attack dogs. We all heard the cracks. Horse-face, big nose, trailer-park trash. Later, the president settles her dismissed case for $850,000. A lot of money from someone who claims he did nothing wrong.
Gennifer Flowers publicly stated that she and Clinton had a long-standing affair. The president went on "60 Minutes," accusing her of lying. The spin? Cash for trash, since Flowers sold her story to one of the tabloids. Later, in the Paula Jones deposition, Clinton admits that, yes, he did, indeed, have sex with Flowers.
As for Monica Lewinsky, pre-stained dress, the president called her a "stalker." Post-dress, the president admits to, yes, an inappropriate relationship with Lewinsky, an affair he denied to the nation, his Cabinet, his advisers and his friends.
Kathleen Willey, on "60 Minutes," described an unwanted sexual advance. She claimed the president took his hand and placed it on her breast, and took her hand, placing it on his genitalia. For this, feminist Gloria Steinem suggested that women should be of sterner stuff and that Willey's description, if true, is small potatoes. After all, said Steinem, when Willey said, "Stop," Clinton stopped. No harm, no foul. The White House piled on, releasing letters Willey wrote to the president post-incident, thus suggesting she, too, lied. After all, argues the White House, would a victim of an unwanted sexual advance maintain a cordial relationship with such a cad?
Dolly Kyle Browning, another woman alleging a long-standing affair with Clinton, claims in a lawsuit that the president's allies tried to intimidate her from publishing a novel based on her relationship with Clinton. The Internal Revenue Service audited her, later apologizing for its excessive zeal.
Now comes Juanita Broaddrick. Like Anita Hill, Broaddrick never sought attention. But, after the alleged rape, why didn't she call the police? Why didn't she go to the hospital? Well, recall the bad old days when defense attorneys put the accuser's virtue on trial. For a refresher, rent "The Accused" with Jodie Foster.
And here, the accused is not exactly the guy who worked the deep fryer at McDonald's. This is the attorney general of a state.
Broaddrick, living comfortably in Arkansas, seeks no money and has no book deal, movie treatment or line of action figure dolls.
Yes, she signed an affidavit in the Paula Jones case, denying a sexual assault. But when the federal investigators came calling, and testimony before the grand jury seemed plausible, Broaddrick recanted. Didn't someone named Monica Lewinsky also sign a false affidavit, which she, too, later recanted?
Gennifer Flowers. Paula Jones. Monica Lewinsky. Kathleen Willey. Dolly Kyle Browning. And now, Juanita Broaddrick. Liars, all.
Never mind that the president wagged his finger at us, saying, "I did not have sexual relations with that woman, Miss Lewinsky." Never mind the Gennifer Flowers tape recording of the then-governor in which he said, " ... if everybody's on record denying it (the relationship), you got no problems."
A Fox poll, following "Dateline's" Broaddrick interview, shows that 54 percent of Americans believe Broaddrick's allegation. Only 23 percent find the charges untrue. And, post-impeachment trial polls show that 84 percent of Americans believe the president both committed perjury and obstructed justice. This means most Americans consider the president a felon and not just a run-of-the-mill felon but a rapist felon.
Still, most Americans believe the rape charges unprovable and complain of scandal fatigue after the impeachment and the Senate trial. And the president continues to enjoy high job-approval ratings. But does our "vindicated" president believe he would have been elected and re-elected had many voters believed he raped a woman 21 years ago?
In the movie "Witness for the Prosecution," Charles Laughton asks, "The question is, were you lying then, are you lying now, or are you not, in fact, a chronic and habitual liar?"
In Clinton's case, most Americans long ago decided, yes, yes, and yes. , Larry Elder)
william jefferson blythe IV is a serial rapist! He is also a genocidal maniac, serial killer and an arrogant clownish hitlery-whooped bufoon! He belongs in prison awaiting execution!!!
Following a report in the July 12 issue of The National Enquirer, police in Portland, Oregon are reinvestigating allegations from a masseuse that she was sexually-assaulted by former Vice-President Al Gore.
When the incident occured in 2006, the Portland police refused to file charges on grounds of lack of evidence. They’ve offered no explanation as to why the case has been re-opened. According to transcripts of an interview with cops, the masseuse Molly Haggerty, 54, claims Gore called her to a local hotel room, where he groped, kissed, and pinned her down on a bed like a “crazed sex poodle.”
Mary remained silent about the incident until 2009, telling cops last year: “I felt certain that any, even the smallest complaint from him to the hotel, could also destroy my work reputation. One friend was basically asking me to just suck it up, otherwise the world’s going to be destroyed from global warming.”
Meanwhile, Gore’s spokesperson has denied the charges: “Further investigation into this matter will only benefit Mr. Gore. The Gores cannot comment on every defamatory, misleading, and inaccurate story generated by tabloids. Mr. Gore unequivocally and emphatically denied this accusation when he first learned of its existence three years ago. He stands by that denial.”
In May, Al announced that he and wife Tipper are divorcing after 40 years of marriage. (7.01.2010) http://www.flynews.com/2010/07/01/police-reopen-al-gore-rape-investigation-on-masseuse-molly-haggerty.html
Eight years on, Dutroux appears in
court - but will the truth be heard?
Suspicions of a wider network linger as date arrives for trial of Belgian child killer
The Guardian | February 28, 2004
Sabine Dardenne has waited a long time for this moment. On Monday morning, in a
wood-panelled courtroom in the picturesque Belgian town of Arlon, Marc Dutroux, the man
who abducted her nearly eight years ago, is finally to answer for his crimes.
Dardenne was 12 in 1996 when she was chained to a bed for 79 days and repeatedly abused.
And she was one of the less unfortunate victims of a man accused of the kidnapping, rape,
torture and murder of four other girls and young women.
Belgium's "trial of the century" promises to be deeply traumatic for a divided
country, where the Dutroux affair has become a national tragedy. It is also likely to
leave vital questions unanswered - not least whether the defendant formed part of wider
network.
Dutroux, 47, his ex-wife Michelle Martin, 44, and two other men will face the court under
heavy security and intense media scrutiny. Hearings are likely to last for four months,
with 700 witnesses listed. If found guilty, Dutroux faces life imprisonment.
Psychologists say this story touches on the darkest and most primal of all human fears,
concerning as it does the drugging, sexual violation and killing of children concealed in
dark cellars.
Evidence
Dutroux's youngest victims were only eight. Melissa Russo and Julie Lejeune were abducted
in June 1995. They drew on the dank walls as they starved to death in cages in a hidden
dungeon under his home at Marcinelle, near Charleroi, while he was serving a prison
sentence for theft.
Martin, a mother of three, allegedly fed her husband's German shepherd dogs but not the
girls, who were later buried in bin bags in the back garden. Dug up with their bodies was
that of Dutroux's French associate, Bernard Weinstein, who had been drugged and buried
alive. "He was still breathing when I put him in the ground," Dutroux admitted.
In August that year it was the turn of An Marchal, 17, and Eefje Lambrecks, 19, abducted
while hitchhiking near Ostend, in Dutch-speaking Flanders. They were forced to swallow a
sedative and raped. Their emaciated bodies, their mouths gagged, were discovered at
another of Dutroux's properties.
Sabine Dardenne was bundled into a van while cycling to school in May 1996. Laetitia
Delhez, then 14, was kidnapped on August 9. Dutroux told Sabine her parents were refusing
to pay a ransom to free her.
Police found the girls cowering naked in the dungeon when their tormentor was arrested
four days later, along with a heroin addict, Michel Lelievre, 32, now the third defendant
in the case.
Much is already known: 400,000 pages of confidential evidence have been leaked on DVDs
that include photos from the autopsies of victims, of the recovery of their bodies, and
child pornography found in Dutroux's possession.
Under Belgian law the press is free to publish evidence before a trial, as long as it does
not breach rules on prejudice or privacy.
But there is another story: an appalling catalogue of legal and procedural errors, turf
wars and incompetence by the police, politicians and judges - and, say some, irresponsible
media.
The first investigating magistrate was dismissed after having supper with one of the
victim's families. Several prosecutors, police officers and witnesses have committed
suicide. Evidence has gone astray.
After Dutroux's arrest it transpired not only that he had been under surveillance, but
also that he had served six years of a 12-year jail term for child rape. The prison
governor described him as a psychopath. The Charleroi gendarmerie were told by an informer
that he was deepening his cellars to conceal children before selling them abroad. But no
report was ever filed.
"Dutroux was allowed back into society like a grenade with the pin removed, waiting
to explode at any moment," wrote Marc Metdepenningen, a journalist who has covered
the case extensively.
Worse still, police searched the house where Julie and Melissa were hidden but failed to
find them. Once they heard cries for help but accepted Dutroux's claim that the noise was
coming from children in the street. No listening devices, heat sensors or other equipment
was used, but police found handcuffs, chloroform, vaginal cream and a gynaecological
mirror.
Potential connecting information fell through the cracks between different police
services, and particularly between units in the Dutch-speaking Flanders and Francophone
Wallonia.
Escape
Grief and fury over the killings erupted into protests known as the Marche Blanche in
1996, when 350,000 people took to the streets of Brussels.
That was not the end of the story. Two years later the most hated man in the land escaped
briefly; and it emerged recently that he had been allowed to correspond with a 15-year old
girl for two years.
Dutroux mounted a bid for release on the grounds that he had been held for too long
without trial and in inhumane conditions. Psychologists describe him as a having a strong
sense of his own victimhood.
There is anger from the victims' parents about how they have been treated.
"It took four corpses, including my child's, before they would listen to us,"
said Gino Russo, Melissa's father.
"To be in court would sully the memory of my daughter," said Jean-Denis Lejeune.
For them and many others, the crucial question is whether Dutroux is telling the truth in
hinting that he procured girls for a network of establishment figures, and that a massive
cover-up is going on.
This was the thrust of revelations by a woman called Regina Louf, who told police of child
sex parties involving judges, politicians, bankers and members of the royal family. But
her stories of sadism, bestiality and murder have been widely dismissed as deranged
fantasy.
The fourth defendant, Michael Nihoul, a 62-year old alleged conman and well-known figure
at a Brussels sex club, is expected to loom large in this context. Nihoul denies supplying
ecstasy pills to Dutroux and Lelievre in exchange for Laetitia Delhez.
Sabine Dardenne, in any event, has always said she never saw anyone but Dutroux during her
captivity, strengthening the case that he was a "lone predator."
Now 20, Dardenne will be in court on Monday. "I want to look Dutroux in the eye and
make him understand that despite everything he made me suffer I did not go insane,"
she said.
"I cannot forget what happened, but I am alive and I will prove it to him."
?Trail of terror
June 1995 Melissa Russo, eight, and Julie Lejeune, eight, kidnapped
August An Marchal, 19, and Eefje Lambrecks, 17, disappear
November Marc Dutroux jailed for three months for car crime
June 1996 Sabine Dardenne, 12, kidnapped
August Laetitia Delheze, 14, kidnapped. Sabine and Laetitia rescued from dungeon in
Dutroux's basement. Bodies of Melissa and Julie and Bernard Weinstein found buried in
garden
September Bodies of Ann and Eefje uncovered
October 350,000 Belgians march to protest at police incompetence
October 1997 Belgian parliamentary inquiry accuses police of bungling
April 1998 Dutroux escapes
March 2004 Dutroux and three associates stand trial in Arlon
Three years ago, President
Bush declared that he had "zero tolerance" for trafficking in humans by the
government's overseas contractors, and two years ago Congress mandated a similar policy.
But notwithstanding the president's statement and the congressional edict, the Defense
Department has yet to adopt a policy to bar human trafficking.
A proposal prohibiting defense contractor involvement in human
trafficking for forced prostitution and labor was drafted by the Pentagon last summer, but
five defense lobbying groups oppose key provisions and a final policy still appears to be
months away, according to those involved and Defense Department records.
The lobbying groups opposing the plan say they're in favor of the idea in principle, but
said they believe that implementing key portions of it overseas is unrealistic. They
represent thousands of firms, including some of the industry's biggest names, such as
DynCorp International and Halliburton
subsidiary KBR, both of which have been linked to trafficking-related concerns.
Lining up on the opposite side of the defense industry are some human-trafficking experts
who say significant aspects of the Pentagon's proposed policy might actually do more harm
than good unless they're changed. These experts have told the Pentagon that the policy
would merely formalize practices that have allowed contractors working overseas to escape
punishment for involvement in trafficking, the records show.
The long-awaited debate inside the Pentagon on how to implement presidential and
congressional directives on human trafficking is unfolding just as countertrafficking
advocates in Congress are running into resistance. A bill reauthorizing the nation's
efforts against trafficking for the next two years was overwhelmingly passed by the House
this month, but only after a provision creating a trafficking watchdog at the Pentagon was
stripped from the measure at the insistence of defense-friendly lawmakers, according to
congressional records and officials. The Senate passed the bill last week.
Delay seen as weakness
The Pentagon's delay in tackling the issue, the perceived weakness of its proposed policy
and the recent setbacks in Congress have some criticizing the Pentagon for not taking the
issue seriously enough.
"Ultimately, what we really hope to see is resources and leadership on this issue
from the Pentagon," said Sarah Mendelson, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic
and International Studies, a national security think tank in Washington.
She also had called for creation of an internal Pentagon watchdog after investigating the
military's links to sex trafficking in the Balkans.
Rep. Christopher Smith (R-N.J.), author of the original legislation targeting human
trafficking, said there seems to be an institutional lethargy on the issue at the Pentagon
below the most senior levels. He said he was concerned that the Pentagon's
overseas-contractor proposal might not be tough enough and that the delays in developing
it could mean more people "were being exploited while they were sharpening their
pencils."
But he pledged to maintain aggressive oversight of the plan.
`We're addressing the issue'
Glenn Flood, a Pentagon spokesman, said he did not know why it has taken so long to
develop a proposal but said, "From our point of view, we're addressing the
issue."
An official more directly involved with the effort to draft a formal policy barring
contractors from involvement in trafficking said it might not be ready until April, at
least in part because of concerns raised by the defense contractors.
Bush declared zero tolerance for involvement in human trafficking by federal employees and
contractors in a National Security Presidential Directive he signed in December 2002 after
media reports detailing the alleged involvement of DynCorp employees in buying women and
girls as sex slaves in Bosnia during the U.S.
military's deployment there in the late 1990s.
Ultimately, the company fired eight employees for their alleged involvement in sex
trafficking and illegal arms deals.
In 2003, Smith followed Bush's decree with legislation ordering federal agencies to
include anti-trafficking provisions in all contracts. The bill covered trafficking for
forced prostitution and forced labor and applied to overseas contractors and their
subcontractors.
But it wasn't until last summer that the Pentagon issued a proposed policy to enforce the
2003 law and Bush's December 2002 directive.
The proposal drew a strong response from five defense-contractor-lobbying groups within
the umbrella Council of Defense and Space Industries Associations: the Contract Services
Association, the Professional Services Council, the National Defense Industrial
Association, the American Shipbuilding Association and the Electronic Industries Alliance.
The response's first target was a provision requiring contractors
to police their overseas subcontractors for human trafficking.
In a two-part series published in October, the Tribune detailed how Middle Eastern firms
working under American subcontracts in Iraq,
and a chain of human brokers beneath them, engaged in the kind of abuses condemned
elsewhere by the U.S. government as human trafficking. KBR, the Halliburton subsidiary,
relies on more than 200 subcontractors to carry out a multibillion-dollar U.S.
Army contract for privatization of military support operations in the war zone.
Case of 12 Nepali men
The Tribune retraced the journey of 12 Nepali men recruited from poor villages in one of
the most remote and impoverished corners of the world and documented a trail of deceit,
fraud and negligence stretching into Iraq. The men were kidnapped from an unprotected
caravan and executed en route to jobs at an American military base in 2004.
At the time, Halliburton said it was not responsible for the recruitment or hiring
practices of its subcontractors, and the U.S. Army, which oversees the privatization
contract, said questions about alleged misconduct "by subcontractor firms should be
addressed to those firms, as these are not Army issues."
Once implemented, the new policy could dramatically change responsibilities for KBR and
the Army.
Alan Chvotkin, senior vice president and counsel for the Professional Services Council who
drafted the contractors' eight-page critique of the Pentagon proposal, said it was not
realistic to expect foreign companies operating overseas to accept or act on U.S. foreign
policy objectives.
"This is a clash between mission execution [of the contract] and policy
execution," Chvotkin said. "So we're looking for a little flexibility."
He said that rather than a "requirement that says you have to flow this through to
everybody," the group wants the policy to simply require firms to notify the Pentagon
when their subcontractors refuse to accept contract clauses barring support for human
trafficking.
Still, Chvotkin said, "We don't want to do anything that conveys the idea that we are
sanctioning or tolerating trafficking."
In a joint memo of their own, Mendelson and another Washington-based expert, Martina
Vandenberg, a lawyer who investigated sex trafficking for Human
Rights Watch, told the Pentagon its draft policy "institutionalizes ineffective
procedures currently used by the Department of Defense contractor community in handling
allegations of human trafficking."
Without tough provisions requiring referrals to prosecutors, they said, contractors could
still get their employees on planes back to the U.S. before investigations commenced, as
they allege happened in several documented cases in the Balkans. They said some local
contract managers even had "special arrangements" with police in the Balkans
that allowed them to quickly get employees returned to the U.S. if they were found to be
engaged in illegal activities. (12.27.2005, Washington Bureau)
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/chi-0512270176dec27,0,1632557.story
Nato force 'feeds Kosovo sex trade'
Western troops, policemen, and civilians are largely to blame for the rapid growth of the sex slavery industry in Kosovo over the past five years, a mushrooming trade in which hundreds of women, many of them under-age girls, are tortured, raped, abused and then criminalised, Amnesty International said yesterday.
In a report on the rapid growth of sex-trafficking and forced prostitution rackets since Nato troops and UN administrators took over the Balkan province in 1999, Amnesty said Nato soldiers, UN police, and western aid workers operated with near impunity in exploiting the victims of the sex traffickers.
As a result of the influx of thousands of Nato-led peacekeepers, "Kosovo soon became a major destination country for women trafficked into forced prostitution. A small-scale local market for prostitution was transformed into a large-scale industry based on trafficking, predominantly run by criminal networks."
The international presence in Kosovo continues to generate 80% of the income for the pimps, brothel-owners, and mafiosi who abduct local girls or traffic women mainly from Moldova, Romania, Ukraine, and Russia to Kosovo via Serbia, the report said, although the international "client base" for the sex trade has fallen to 20% last year from 80% four years ago.
Up to 2,000 women are estimated to have been coerced into sex slavery in Kosovo, which had seen "an unprecedented escalation in trafficking" in recent years. The number of premises in Kosovo listed by a special UN police unit as being involved in the rackets has swollen from 18 in 1999 to 200 this year.
A few weeks ago the UN's department of peacekeeping in New York acknowledged that "peacekeepers have come to be seen as part of the problem in trafficking rather than the solution".
The sex slavery in Kosovo parallels similar phenomena next door in Bosnia, where the arrival of thousands of Nato peacekeepers in 1995 fuelled a thriving forced prostitution industry.
International personnel in Kosovo enjoy immunity from prosecution unless this is waived by the UN in New York for UN employees or by national military chiefs for Nato-led troops.
One police officer last year and another the year before had their immunity waived, enabling criminal prosecutions.
"Amnesty International has been unable to find any evidence of any criminal proceedings related to trafficking against any military personnel in their home countries," the 80-page report said.
The report said that US, French, German and Italian soldiers were known to have been involved in the rackets.
Criticism of the international troops in Kosovo follows a recent broader indictment of the Kosovo mission by the International Crisis Group thinktank, which called for the mission to be overhauled.
Women were bought and sold for up to £2,000 and then kept in appalling conditions as slaves by their "owners", Amnesty said. They were routinely raped "as a means of control and coercion", beaten, held at gunpoint, robbed, and kept in darkened rooms unable to go out.
Apart from women trafficked into Kosovo, there is a worsening problem with girls abducted locally. A Kosovo support group working with victims reported that a third of these locals were under 14, and 80% were under 18.
The UN admission in March that its peacekeepers were part of the problem was welcome, said Amnesty. (5.07.2004, Ian Traynor in Zagreb) http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2004/may/07/balkans
From correspondents in the United Nations July 1, 2003
The Associated Press
The United Nations is investigating a report that a ship chartered for peacekeepers in East Timor is also being used to bring child prostitutes to the island nation, the organisation said today.
The allegations surfaced over the weekend in the Portuguese weekly Expresso. The Expresso report said UN personnel were involved in bringing girls from Thailand to East Timor as prostitutes.
"So far, some of the allegations are UNsubstantiated," said Hua Jiang, UN deputy spokeswoman. She would not elaborate or comment further on the status of the investigation being conducted by the UN's office of internal oversight.
The same office investigated allegations last year of sexual exploitation of refugee children in West Africa by employees of more than 40 private aid organisations.
That report found the allegations largely unsubstantiated although they were raised in a report by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees. http://100777.com/node/435
Franklin Child Prostitution
The Franklin child prostitution ring allegations were a series of high-profile accusations and legal actions between 1988 and 1991 surrounding an alleged child sex ring serving prominent citizens of Omaha, Nebraska, as well as high-level U.S. politicians.[1] The allegations centered around the actions of Lawrence E. King, director of the recently-collapsed Franklin Community Federal Credit Union in Omaha and a prominent local political figure. Two grand juries ruled the allegations to be false and two purported victims were indicted for perjury[2] (one was convicted and sentenced to 9–15 years in prison[3]) though numerous conspiracy theories persisted afterwards.[1]
"To Achieve World
Government it is necessary to remove from the minds of men their individualism,
their loyalty to family traditions and national identification" Brock Chisholm - Director of the World Health Organization
"A society whose citizens refuse to see and investigate the facts, who refuse to
believe that their government and their media will routinely lie to them and fabricate a
reality contrary to verifiable facts, is a society that chooses and deserves the Police
State Dictatorship it's going to
get." Ian Williams Goddard
The fact is that "political correctness" is all about creating uniformity. Individualism is one of the biggest obstacles in the way of the New World Order. They want a public that is predictable and conditioned to do as it's told without asking questions.
"The two enemies of the people are criminals and government, so let us tie the second down with the chains of the Constitution so the second will not become the legalized version of the first." Thomas Jefferson